Decision day dawned early Friday for members of Congress from Illinois confronted with a new district map drawn by Democrats in an effort to maximize power in Washington, avoid legal challenges and create an opportunity for adding a second Latino to the state’s delegation.

       The fallout from the new map came quickly. First it was six-term Republican U.S. Rep. Adam Kinzinger of Channahon, an outcast in his own party over his opposition to former President Donald Trump, taking himself out of a primary matchup against the four-term U.S. Rep. Darin LaHood of Peoria, a staunch Trump supporter.

       Then first-term Democratic U.S. Rep. Marie Newman of La Grange, mapped into a heavily Latino district represented by U.S. Rep. Jesus “Chuy” Garcia, opted to mount a primary challenge to two-term U.S. Rep. Sean Casten of Downers Grove in a new district that includes some of her current southwest suburban territory.

       U.S. Rep. Mary Miller at Republican Day at the Illinois State Fair in Springfield on Aug. 19, 2021. (E. Jason Wambsgans / Chicago Tribune)

       Still to be heard from is controversial freshman Republican U.S. Rep. Mary Miller of Oakland who was mapped into a district with four-term U.S. Rep. Mike Bost of Murphysboro. Miller could choose to challenge five-term U.S. Rep. Rodney Davis, whose neighboring district includes some of her current district.

       Then there’s Davis, himself, who was left alone by Democratic mapmakers in a heavily Republican central Illinois district. Always active in state GOP politics, Davis has said his political future depended on how Democrats treated him in drawing a new district. Davis has been considering a possible bid for the Republican nomination for governor.

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       In all, the state House’s post-midnight vote on the once-a-decade redistricting map sets up midterm elections that will have serious consequences for Illinois’ state representation in Washington and in deciding which party controls the U.S. House in January 2023.

       Redistricting following the federal census is the most political act undertaken by state lawmakers. Designed to reflect changes in population, it also provides the controlling political party with a way to shape districts in their favor and against their opponents.

       U.S. Rep. Rodney Davis at Republican Day at the Illinois State Fair in Springfield on Aug. 19, 2021. (E. Jason Wambsgans / Chicago Tribune)

       Democrats, who control the legislature and the governor’s office, can enact the map without any Republican input. Such was the case a decade ago, which led to the current 13-5 Democratic advantage in the U.S. House delegation. The map now on Gov. J.B. Pritkzer’s desk was designed to create the potential for a 14-3 Democratic advantage.

       While the puzzle pieces of the Illinois map may have been the result of Democratic gerrymandering, as Republicans have argued, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that designing districts to favor a political party is not illegal.

       But the map must adhere to federal voting rights laws to assure racial and ethnic groups an adequate opportunity for representation — a fact Democrats also took into consideration. The growth in Illinois’ Latino population and the state’s first ever drop in population led to many of the twists and turns in the new map boundaries.

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       Illinois’ population loss meant a reduction in congressional seats, from 18 to 17, with about 753,677 residents allotted to each district. The state’s growing Latino population provided an opportunity for a district with a strong Latino influence in addition to the current 4th District now held by Garcia. It also helps insulate the map from a federal court challenge.

       The new Latino-influence district, stretching westward from Chicago to include areas of suburban Latino population in DuPage County, forced some contortions to Democrat-held districts in Chicago. It ultimately led to the Newman’s district being melded into other districts.

       There is no requirement that a congressional candidate live in the district they run in, meaning Newman would not have to move to take on Casten.

       U.S. congressman Sean Casten, left, and Bill Foster before a news conference announcing the relocation of the DuPage County Health Department's COVID-19 community vaccination clinic on Feb. 9, 2021, in Wheaton. (Stacey Wescott / Chicago Tribune)

       But she makes her challenge with a distinct cash disadvantage. Federal Election Commission fundraising reports showed Casten entered October with more than $1.26 million in cash on hand, compared with Newman’s $437,873.

       A Casten-Newman primary could prove to be a bitter race. Newman originally accused Democrats of shifting her into Garcia’s seat as an attempt to appease Casten at the expense of the people in her district.

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       But on Friday, announcing she was challenging Casten, she sought to sound upbeat in recognizing she will be courting new unfamiliar voters in the new 6th District.

       “From Elmhurst to Orland Park, I’m looking forward to working with everyone to build a stronger, more equitable future for our residents of the new IL-06,” she said.

       Casten sought a conciliatory tone, saying, “I have never wanted to see friends run against friends.”

       The final map represented the third time that Democrats, in various previous incarnations of the map, had paired up Newman with an incumbent. The first draft of their map had pitted Newman against Kinzinger.

       Kinzinger’s decision not to challenge LaHood in a sprawling district that runs from the Wisconsin border, skirts Democratic strongholds in Rockford, Peoria and Bloomington, and then heads northeast to Morris, was not a matter of money.

       Marie Newman, U.S. representative from Illinois's 3rd Congressional District, at the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights rally at the Thompson Center on July 8, 2021. (E. Jason Wambsgans / Chicago Tribune)

       FEC reports show LaHood had $3.9 million in cash at the start of October compared with Kinzinger’s $3.3 million. But it was evident that Kinzinger, with his actions and rhetoric against Trump, would be an outcast and ripe for a Republican primary in any contest he undertook.

       While he has never ruled out a statewide race, Kinzinger sounded more focused on his Country First political action committee as the next platform for his political career and as he seeks a larger national audience to try to reclaim his version of Republicanism.

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       “As a country, we must unplug from the mistruths we’ve been fed. In Congress, I’ve witnessed how division is heavily rooted. There’s little to no desire to bridge our differences and unity is no longer a word we use,” Kinzinger said in his announcement. “It has also become increasingly obvious to me that in order to break the narrative, I cannot focus on both a reelection to Congress and a broader fight nationwide.”

       Given that the census showed much of the state’s population loss was rooted in downstate rural areas, there was little doubt that Republicans would face Democratic efforts to pair up incumbents in GOP primaries.

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       In east central and southern Illinois, Miller has become the face of Trump Republicanism and the party’s more far right elements. She held an Effingham fundraiser featuring U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, who has gained notoriety for promoting debunked conspiracy theories. Miller also was forced to apologize for invoking Hitler at a conservative women’s rally prior to the Jan. 6 insurrection.

       U.S. Rep. Mary Miller at the Illinois State Fair in Springfield on Aug. 19, 2021. (E. Jason Wambsgans / Chicago Tribune)

       Mapmakers jutted her property into a northern offshoot of a district that encompasses all of deep southern Illinois, setting up a potential primary with Bost, a solid conservative in a ruby red voting region. Bost has indicated he will seek reelection but Miller has not indicated what she will do.

       Her district sits virtually on the border of Davis’ new district, and she could opt for a run there, though much of the territory, while conservative Republican, may be more moderate in their views than Miller.

       Miller had $431,769 in cash on hand to start October, compared with more than $647,000 for Bost. Davis held more than $1 million.

       Davis, a former state GOP operative before going to Congress, is so far keeping his powder dry on his political future.

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       “Rodney will make a formal announcement on his 2022 plans once the governor signs the redistricting legislation into law,” a Davis spokesman said Friday.

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