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French President Emmanuel Macron and Brazilian Lula da Silva will launch a diesel-powered submarine built in Brazil with French technology at the Itaguai shipyard outside Rio de Janeiro.
This is the third submarine delivered by Paris to Brasilia. It is part of a Prosub program launched by former French president Nicolas Sarkozy and Da Silva in 2008.
Macron is the first French president to visit Brazil in 11 years. The officials are meeting this week to revive the relationship between the countries after years of frictions with former President Jair Bolsonaro.
Macron and Da Silva also announced Tuesday a plan to invest 1 billion euros in the Amazon. In a joint statement, they said the money will be spread over the next four years to protect the rainforest.
It will be a collaboration of state-run Brazilian banks and France's investment agency. Private resources will also be welcomed, Brazil and France said.
Macron started his three-day visit to Brazil in the Amazon city of Belem, where he met his Brazilian counterpart. The French president then took a boat to the Combu island to meet with Indigenous leaders.
Both Macron and Lula attended a protest by Greenpeace Brazil with banners that read “No oil in the Amazon.” The Brazilian government has contemplated allowing the tapping of oil in a region close to the Para state, where Belem lies.
Lula said during a speech that Macron's visit is part of a global effort to beef up rainforest protections.
“We want to convince those who have already deforested that they need to contribute in an important way to countries that still have their forests to keep them standing,” Lula said.
The French president decorated Indigenous leader Raoni Metuktire with the prestigious Legion of Honour medal for efforts at conserving the rainforest.
“You were in Europe and I promised to come here to your forest and be with your people in this forest that is coveted,” Macron told the Indigenous leader. “President Lula and I have a common cause for one of our friends in this land that belongs to you.”
Has the European Union got it right in its recent migration pact with Egypt?
According to the United Nations, some 34,000 people have entered the EU so far this year outside of regulated channels, mostly across the Mediterranean Sea.
Brussels announced the signing of a €7.4 billion agreement with Egypt on 17 March, which includes provisions to curb migration amid concerns that conflicts overseas could aggravate the refugee crisis.
While rights groups have criticised this pact and other deals with Mauritania and Tunisia for ignoring humanitarian law, the EU maintains these agreements will allow for greater cooperation with the Middle East and Africa and help stabilise cash-strapped economies.
A deal with Lebanon might also be on the cards following reports that Cyprus is struggling to cope with a surge of migrant arrivals from the Middle East.
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But how will these pacts affect voting behaviour in the EU Parliament elections and what will the next administration look like amid fears of heightened polarisation? EU Commission Vice-President Margaritis Schinas shares his insights.
To watch this episode of the Global Conversation, click on the video in the media player above or read the full interview below.
Sasha Vakulina, Euronews: Let's start with one of the most burning issues when it comes to the EU policies - migration. When you became the Commissioner in 2019, it was already an important issue. The crisis is now in a different dimension - there are more conflicts and there is the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. How do you see current EU migration policies, given the recent agreements signed with Egypt and Tunisia, do you think we're going to see more agreements of this kind?
Margaritis Schinas, EU Commission Vice-President: In the current political cycle, with migration, we had to work like firefighters and architects. Like firefighters, in dealing with the many crises, both at our external border but also within the union, running from crisis to crisis, from incident to incident, ship to ship. And I would dare say in most cases, successfully managing the many migration emergencies.
Next to that for the first time, after decades of failure, we managed to produce a major European agreement on a new EU pact for migration and asylum.
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Since 20 December last year, Europe, at last, has had a comprehensive, holistic migration policy that starts at our borders, rather, starts with countries of origin and transit (I will come to Egypt in a second) then on a more federalised control of our external border, and finally on solidarity.
When it comes to the external dimension of migration policy, we have invested lots of time and effort, and many of my colleagues from the president down - President Michel, also very helpful in that - we tried to establish partnerships with the 25 countries of origin and transit that mattered to us on migration. We will never be able to cope internally unless we're able to cope externally.
And I think that now with a landmark agreement with Egypt, which is following the line of our earlier statement with Turkey, following the agreement with Tunisia, now we have a web of partnership agreements with major migration partners that will undoubtedly help us to improve the situation in managing migration flows in a cooperative way.
The rise of populism
Sasha Vakulina, Euronews: Let's talk a little more about the elections. Migration, of course, has always been one of the most divisive issues for national politics and European politics. We have seen over the past years that across Europe, the governments are shifting to the right. Are you worried about the possible swing from centre to right ahead of the EU elections in June?
Margaritis Schinas, EU Commission Vice-President: First of all, I think that we have to be collectively proud of the European Union because we are a union of democracies. Elections are a good thing for us. This is why people envy us, this is why we are so admired in the world because we have elections, free open elections. The European election is the second most numerous electoral process on the planet after the Indian elections. So, no, I'm not particularly worried.
I think what matters is for Europeans to vote and attribute praise or blame on what works and what doesn't. I don't think we have to jump to a conclusion that this will be a triumph of the extremes or the extreme right which would paralyse everything. Margaritis Schinas
EU Commission Vice-President
Okay, 24 per cent of the Dutch people voted for Geert Wilders, but 76 per cent did not. And he will not be the Prime Minister of the Netherlands. And if you look at Poland, it was not the populist right that won, it was Donald Tusk and his moderate allies.
If you look at Rome, I don't see Giorgia Meloni as a catalyst for the extreme Putinophiles, I see her as a barrage to the extreme right and the friends of Putin. So let's wait a bit. Let's not jump to a conclusion. We still have two months. Let's see what happens.
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Sasha Vakulina, Euronews: Do you consider your political group having an alliance with the far right? And where would be the red line that your political group would not cross when it comes to making possible alliances?
Margaritis Schinas, EU Commission Vice-President: Well, I am here in my quality as Vice president of the European Commission, I am not after Manfred Weber's job, but, I can offer my personal view of how things are developing. I think the EPP would be at the heart of a broad coalition of moderate pro-European forces. As it has always been the case.
So far I do not see the EPP of Kyriakos Mitsotakis, for example, joining any extreme right allies. This will not happen. Kyriakos and Jean-Claude Juncker are the ones who wanted Orbán out of the EPP, I may remind you. So I see the EPP central at the heart of the new web of political alliances in the European Parliament.
I see that on certain subjects we can work, as we did for the migration pact - a large chunk of the ECR, Giorgia Meloni and the Italian MEPs of Fratelli d'Italia overwhelmingly backed our pact, together with the liberals, the centre-right and the socialists. So that's how I see the centre of gravity in the new parliament.
Star power
Sasha Vakulina, Euronews: Do you consider doing more now in terms of motivating the young Europeans to come to the polls and vote in June, specifically those for whom that's going to be the very first election?
Margaritis Schinas, EU Commission Vice-President: Absolutely, I mean, look what happened during the Brexit referendum. We had so many inspiring pro-European figures admired in the UK, but the ‘Yes’ vote failed to mobilise them. And it was a mistake that we paid dearly. Let's not make the same mistake in the European elections.
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There are so many leaders out there in sports, in culture, in arts and philosophy and creative industries. We are the envy of the world when it comes to football. In all areas, we excel.
Most of these people are committed Europeans, they work across borders, and they make their reputation across borders. What's wrong with having these people talk to young Europeans and tell them to go to vote?
That's, I think, something that governments should also embrace. I'm doing it from Brussels. I don't think that commissioners are the right people to talk to young people, to tell them to vote. Probably it will create the opposite effect.
But I take the opportunity of the launch of the new Euronews now to make this appeal to those who lead by example to the role models. These are the people whom we need.
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Turkey is gearing up for municipal elections on 31 March, and the race has reached its apex.
Last year's presidential election nail-biter is having a significant ripple effect on who might be chosen to rule in its metropoles.
Local or not, this vote matters. Whoever wins in Istanbul might determine the trajectory of the entire country, including the future of the ruling AKP and President Recep Tayyip Erdo？an's legacy.
So, what is different this time? And why is it important?
Neither side is resting on laurels
In the last municipal elections in 2019, the Turkish opposition achieved a significant victory in the municipal elections, securing the majority of big cities, including the three largest: Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir.
This victory proved to be the driving force for the opposition during last year's presidential elections. However, replicating the same level of success has proven challenging due to missteps in candidate selection.
Unlike 2019, this time there is no electoral alliance on the opposition side, presenting an additional challenge atop the obstacles posed by the unfair campaign environment.
The situation is far from perfect for both the AKP and its political partner, the nationalist MHP. The government has failed to fulfil the campaign promises made during the 2023 elections, particularly concerning the economy.
AKP, candidate for Istanbul Murat Kurum gives a speech during a campaign rally ahead of nationwide municipality elections, in Istanbul, March 2024 AP Photo/Francisco Seco
While elections in Turkey are largely free, they are not necessarily fair, as the mainstream media is largely controlled by pro-government businesses and government-backed candidates enjoy significant campaign resources.
Major problems regarding political rights and civil liberties, as highlighted by the European Union, further compound these challenges.
However, the situation is far from perfect for both the AKP (Justice and Development Party) and its political partner, the nationalist MHP (Nationalist Movement Party).
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The government has failed to fulfil the campaign promises made during the 2023 elections, particularly concerning the economy.
Inflation remains remarkably high, standing at 67.07% according to official data and 121.98% according to economists from the Inflation Research Group (ENAG).
Moreover, even if the main alliance between the AKP and MHP continues, the Islamist YRP (New Welfare Party) has opted not to join the bloc, unlike in last year’s parliamentary and presidential elections, and their few per cent of votes could be significant.
All eyes on Istanbul
The most thrilling and must-watch episode of the municipal elections will undoubtedly unfold in Istanbul, with potential ramifications for the future of Turkey.
The race will pit the incumbent mayor Ekrem ？mamo？lu, representing the main opposition party CHP (Republican People’s Party), against the AKP’s candidate, Murat Kurum.
While candidates from other parties may not stand a chance, their performance will directly influence the election's outcome. According to various opinion polls, ？mamo？lu and Kurum are currently neck and neck in Istanbul.
Another victory for ？mamo？lu would undoubtedly cement his position as the de facto leader of the opposition and the most probable contender in the next presidential elections.
Pedestrians walk past a giant campaign poster of Istanbul Mayor and CHP candidate Ekrem Imamoglu, in Istanbul, March 2024 AP Photo/Emrah Gurel
？mamo？lu is widely regarded as a prominent figure within the opposition. His constructive approach, set against the government's polarising rhetoric, and his moderate political stance have earned him popularity among people from various backgrounds and political affiliations. This serves as his primary advantage in the upcoming election.
Notably, ？mamo？lu won the 2019 municipal elections twice, winning both the initial contest and the subsequent re-run after the election board annulled the first results.
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His triumph in the second election was considered a notable achievement, particularly against President Erdo？an, who commenced his political journey as Istanbul's mayor in 1994 and played an active role in campaigning during the 2019 Istanbul elections.
Another victory for ？mamo？lu would undoubtedly cement his position as the de facto leader of the opposition and the most probable contender in the next presidential elections.
Democracy thrives in big city lights
Such a victory would also be crucial in reviving the hopes of millions of people in Turkey.
Opposition voters had put their faith in change in the 2023 presidential election, and the result was a huge disappointment for many democrats across the country.
Post-election stress disorder continues to affect many people. As a result, enthusiasm for these elections is low.
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However, ？mamo？lu's potential victory has the power to change this atmosphere, inspire new hope and breathe new life into the opposition. This is why many see the Istanbul election as more than just a mayoral race; it has the potential to mark a turning point for the future of Turkish democracy.
With a population of more than 15.6 million, the city is larger than 20 of the 27 EU member states. As the economic and cultural heart of the country, Istanbul's significance is more than symbolic.
Backdropped with Suleymaniye mosque, pedestrians walk along Halic bridge metro station, March 2024 AP Photo/Emrah Gurel
Istanbul holds significant importance for the government as well. Erdo？an prioritises reclaiming Istanbul.
However, the AKP's candidate lacks strong charisma, which reflects the dominance of the strong one-man within the party.
Yet, the "Erdo？an factor" should not be underestimated. The President himself is actively involved in campaigning for Istanbul. While the saying "whoever wins Istanbul wins Turkey" may be partly a political cliché in Turkey, it still holds considerable truth.
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With a population of more than 15.6 million, the city is larger than 20 of the 27 EU member states. As the economic and cultural heart of the country, Istanbul's significance is more than symbolic.
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That's why the election in Istanbul alone is arguably more important than many national elections around the world.
Drama to unfold
One cliché about Turkey in the West is that "Turkey is not just Istanbul". However, Istanbul is actually highly representative of Turkey as a melting pot for all cities, regions, and cultures within the country.
In Istanbul, over 13 million residents have their family registries in another city. Cities from all around Turkey are well-represented, such as Ordu (Black Sea Region) with 525,681 residents, Sivas (Central Anatolia) with 767,428 residents, Mardin (Southeastern Anatolia) with 259,380 residents, and Erzurum (Eastern Anatolia) with 442,107 residents.
Following the disappointing defeat of the opposition in the 2023 elections, many Turks are less enthusiastic about the municipal elections. However, turnout will almost certainly be quite high once again, and excitement levels are increasing in certain cities, including Istanbul.
Mayor and CHP candidate for Istanbul Ekrem Imamoglu takes a photograph with supporters during a campaign rally, in Istanbul, March 2024 AP Photo/Francisco Seco
？mamo？lu is undoubtedly a successful and popular mayor, but securing victory is far from certain. He faces an effective propaganda machine, which poses a significant challenge.
Moreover, he has encountered numerous difficulties during his term as mayor.
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Being an opposition mayor in Turkey is no easy feat. Many planned initiatives can be hindered or delayed by central authorities. Additionally, court proceedings are frequently initiated against opposition mayors.
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In contrast, mayors from the ruling party enjoy access to abundant resources. In fact, the government openly suggests that citizens will receive better services if they elect a mayor from the ruling party.
Given these circumstances, it is already remarkable that ？mamo？lu and Kurum are currently neck and neck and that ？mamo？lu seems to have a fair chance of winning the election, according to several polls.
Hope dies last
This is also an important indication that, despite all the major problems, Turkish democracy is still alive.
Hopes in Turkey do not easily fade away, and democrats in the country do not easily give up. That’s how Turks operate, and that presents a significant opportunity for the future of democracy.
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Following the disappointing defeat of the opposition in the 2023 elections, many Turks are less enthusiastic about the municipal elections. However, turnout will almost certainly be quite high once again, and excitement levels are increasing in certain cities, including Istanbul.
The election in Europe’s largest city, Istanbul, will be at the epicentre of the upcoming municipal elections.
If you are ready for the new season of the political thriller called Turkish politics, fasten your seat belts and follow Istanbul's results on Sunday evening.
It is worth watching because a potential victory of the opposition will undoubtedly have significant consequences for Turkey, and the future of Turkey is certainly important for the future of Europe.
Dr Demir Murat Seyrek is an adjunct professor at the Free University of Brussels (VUB) and the Brussels School of Governance.
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