When President Biden visited Europe three months ago, he received several affirmations of one of his chief promises as president: to restore the diplomatic relations with allies that had become fractured during the Trump administration.
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“Mr. President, have you convinced allies that America is back?” a reporter asked Biden, citing his “America is back” slogan.
“Ask him,” Biden responded, gesturing to French President Emmanuel Macron.
When the reporter turned the question to Macron, Macron obliged: “Yeah, definitely.”
At the same summit, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson called Biden “a big breath of fresh air” — apparently in contrast to President Donald Trump. The president of the European Council added a few days later, “America is back on the global scene. It’s great news. It’s great news for our alliance.”
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Three months later, things have changed measurably when it comes to Europe’s outlook on this new era of American diplomacy — and in ways that run afoul of Biden’s repeated assurances, sometimes rather directly.
The chaotic U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan strained relations with European allies that had fought alongside the United States and worried about their people and Afghan allies being left behind. They called for extending the Aug. 31 withdrawal deadline, to no avail, and there is significant concern about the flow of migrants that could result from the Taliban regaining power so quickly.
Other sources of tension include the lack of more coronavirus vaccine-sharing, the travel restrictions between the United States and Europe (which are now being eased), and Biden’s failure to quickly lift all of the tariffs Trump placed on European goods.
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The situation culminated Friday in a historic symbolic rebuke from France. America’s oldest ally recalled its ambassador to the United States over a secretly negotiated nuclear-powered-submarine agreement between the United States, Britain and Australia. France says it was left high and dry by the deal, which led to the cancellation of its own $66 billion deal to provide Australia with submarines.
“It was really a stab in the back,” Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said bluntly.
He then offered a much different take than Macron had three months earlier on the new era of American diplomacy: “It looks a lot like what Trump did.”
Precisely what happened with the French deal is still trickling out, as The Washington Post’s Rick Noack explains. France insists it was blindsided by the announcement, while the White House contends France was given a heads-up — albeit a pretty late one.
Why the French are so furious at the Biden administration over a derailed submarine deal
But the result is the same: an extraordinary public spat between the United States and one of its most important allies, just months after Biden came into office promising to restore such alliances.
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And it’s a promise that he made over and over again — sometimes in ways that carry direct parallels to the problems he has run into.
“As president, I will do more than just restore the historic partnerships,” Biden said in July 2019. “I will lead an effort to reimagine them, to better meet the challenges we are grappling with today in the next 20 or 30 years.”
Biden added in the same speech that Trump had “alienated us from the very democratic allies we need most” and “taken a battering ram to the NATO alliance.”
Six months later, Biden specifically cited the lack of consultation with allies in advance of the Trump administration’s strike that killed top Iranian military figure Qasem Soleimani.
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“The haphazard decision-making process that led up to it, the failure to consult our allies or Congress, and the reckless disregard for the consequences that would surely follow — was dangerously incompetent,” Biden said.
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Biden added in January, next to NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, “I intend to consult with you and our allies on all our plans.”
Allies now complain they weren’t sufficiently consulted on both Afghanistan and the submarine technology deal with Australia.
In the same Soleimani speech, Biden also offered words that carry parallels to what would become of the situation in Afghanistan. European allies have complained that the expeditious withdrawal endangered their own people and interests and that there was little room for their input.
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“Because [Trump] refuses to level with the American people about the danger in which he has placed American troops and our diplomatic personnel and civilians, as well as our partners and allies, or to demonstrate even a modicum of presidential gravitas — I will,” Biden said.
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The assurances by Biden and top U.S. officials about the safety of the Afghanistan withdrawal quickly fell apart, resulting in the chaotic effort to get everyone out — an effort that ultimately left many allies in the lurch.
Biden added in an April speech: “We will not conduct a hasty rush to the exit. We’ll do it responsibly, deliberately and safely. And we will do it in full coordination with our allies and partners, who now have more forces in Afghanistan than we do.”
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As the debacle was progressing and some allies spoke out publicly, Biden insisted he hadn’t heard the criticism. But it was out there, as the New York Times reported:
But the criticism in Europe, at least, is loud and persistent.
Officials from Britain, Germany, Italy and France have complained that despite Mr. Biden’s promises of consultation, there has been more diktat than conversation on Afghanistan. He is likely to hear more grumbling in an emergency videoconference call on Tuesday among the leaders of the Group of 7.
In a September 2020 op-ed on Iran for CNN, Biden drove home the contrast with Trump.
“Now, America stands alone,” Biden wrote. “Trump’s policies have pushed Russia and China closer to Iran, while reducing transatlantic relations to their lowest point in decades.”
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Meanwhile, experts say the vacuum created by the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban’s swift takeover could provide an opportunity for China to expand its influence in the region — while also carrying risks — and team up with Iran in the process (both countries border Afghanistan).
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The Biden administration, for its part, seems to recognize the diplomatic low point and is moving to address some of its root causes. Biden is visiting the United Nations this week, where he’s expected to play up the importance of vaccine-sharing. News also broke early Monday that the U.S. government will finally relax its travel restrictions, allowing fully vaccinated travelers to come from Europe starting in November.
Despite some of the complaints emanating from Europe, Biden’s brand of diplomacy is hardly akin to Trump’s. Trump made it clear that he intended to be a bull in a china shop while participating in overseas summits, hoping to bend allies to his will when it came to such things as funding NATO. Biden’s approach is much more sugar than vinegar — a traditional approach to diplomacy.
But it and the promises that have come with it also create expectations — both domestically and internationally. And allies are making clear that those expectations aren’t being met and the promises haven’t been realized.