OPINION

       Prime Minister Keir Starmer (Image: Getty)

       Each year, Britain plays host to a grotesque spectacle—a parade of fanaticism where Islamist extremists march openly through London, chanting for the destruction of Israel and amplifying the message of a hostile foreign regime.

       This is Quds Day, a malign export of the Islamic Republic of Iran, not a mere protest but a strategic projection of Tehran’s radical ideology, a tool of subversion, and a direct challenge to the sovereignty of the UK.

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       The fact that this event continues to take place, even as Iran holds British citizens hostage, funds proxy wars across the Middle East, and actively undermines British security, speaks to an unsettling truth: the UK government remains complacent in allowing an enemy state to expand its influence and operate freely on British soil.

       Quds Day is not only an incitement to violence against Israel; it is a reminder to Iranian dissidents, journalists, and activists living in Britain that the long arm of the Islamic Republic extends deep into the heart of this country.

       It is a warning that Tehran’s network remains formidable, that its agents operate with relative impunity, and that despite the UK’s legal framework to counter foreign interference, little is being done to curb its presence.

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       The Hezbollah flags may no longer be displayed since the group’s proscription under UK law, but the ideology remains, the message unchanged. The streets of London continue to be used as a platform for a regime that has held British citizens hostage and continues to do so.

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       Beyond Iranian dissidents, the Jewish diaspora and Israelis living in Britain are among those most at risk from this growing Islamist influence.

       The Iranian regime and its proxies have long viewed Jewish communities, wherever they may be, as legitimate targets, and its hostility towards Israel is often mirrored in antisemitic violence abroad.

       The same ideology that drives Quds Day demonstrators to chant for the destruction of Israel has real-world consequences for Jewish and Israeli individuals living here.

       Jewish schools, synagogues, and community centres have become fortresses, with security measures unheard of for any other religious group in Britain.

       This is not paranoia; it is a necessary response to a rising wave of antisemitism that has been emboldened by the UK’s failure to curb radical Islamist networks.

       For Iranian dissidents, this danger is not theoretical. The regime has actively targeted its critics abroad, including assassination and kidnapping attempts on British soil.

       It has waged a campaign of harassment, using its vast network of operatives to silence opposition voices through intimidation, threats, and sometimes even direct violence.

       When British authorities allow Quds Day to proceed unchecked, they are not just permitting the public glorification of terrorism; they are sending a message to the Iranian regime that its influence remains unchallenged, that its enemies—whether they be Jews, Israelis, or Iranian dissidents—are not truly safe, even here in Britain.

       The failure to address this is not due to a lack of legal tools. The UK’s National Security Act and the Foreign Influence Registration Scheme were introduced precisely to prevent foreign state actors from leveraging British soil to advance hostile agendas.

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       Yet, despite these measures, Iranian-affiliated organisations continue to operate, their influence unchecked, their funding largely unexamined.

       The government’s failure to implement these provisions renders them meaningless, a paper shield against a very real and growing threat.

       How is it possible that a nation that has been targeted by Iranian plots, whose citizens have been taken hostage by this regime, still allows its proxies to parade through its capital with impunity?

       The issue is not just about Quds Day—it is about the broader failure to counter Tehran’s systematic infiltration of British institutions. It is about the media outlets, think tanks, and charities that operate as arms of Iranian propaganda, all while the government looks the other way.

       It is about the ease with which the Islamic Republic has entrenched itself in Britain’s political discourse, funding narratives that serve its interests, undermining those who expose its crimes, and weaponising the language of human rights to shield

       its own brutality.

       The Al Quds Day rally is merely the most visible manifestation of this influence—a bold, unrepentant display of Tehran’s continued ability to assert its presence in the UK.

       For too long, Britain’s leaders have recoiled from confronting this reality. Successive governments have defaulted to appeasement, unwilling to challenge Iran’s networks out of fear of diplomatic repercussions.

       But how many British hostages must be taken, how many threats against Iranian dissidents in the UK must be made, how many attempts on British soil must be uncovered before the government acknowledges that Iran is not a distant adversary but an active menace operating within our borders?

       The question for Keir Starmer’s government is clear: will it continue this pattern of neglect, or will it act decisively to enforce the laws that already exist?

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       The UK has the means to dismantle Iran’s influence in this country. It has the framework to shut down the networks that allow Quds Day and similar events to persist. What is lacking is the political will to do so.

       This is not merely a question of standing with Israel or protecting the Jewish community. It is a question of whether Britain will allow itself to be used as a battleground for a foreign regime’s ideological war.

       If this government fails to act, it will not simply have betrayed the values it claims to uphold—it will have surrendered British sovereignty to a state that sees it as an enemy.