There is a quote often wrongly attributed to Winston Churchill that decrees: “If a man is not a socialist by the time he is 20, he has no heart. If he is not a conservative by the time he is 40, he has no brain.”
It’s irresistible because, until quite recently, there was a truth to it: it was commonplace to find images of Che Guevara tacked onto university dorm walls next to Fight Club and Pulp Fiction posters, and equally common to find middle-aged men and women at dinner parties agreeing that “tax is too high and public services are wasteful” over an expensive plate of cheese.
However, over the last few years, the idea that progressive idealism is the preserve of the youth, while self-interest and protectionism are markers of age, has cracked profoundly. Increasingly, right-leaning politics resonate not just with boomers, Gen X-ers, or even millennials, but with the youngest voting generation – Gen Z – and this is showing up in global trends.
In Japan, the right-wing Sanseito party, with its “Japan First” stance and its staunchly anti-immigration populist rhetoric (despite foreigners accounting for only 3 per cent of the total population), is lighting up Japanese youth with slogans such as “Long ago, rock was a symbol of the anti-establishment... Using words, not guitars, as our weapons today, politics is what rocks!”
In Germany, the number of under-24-year-olds who voted for the far-right AfD (Alternative fur Deutschland) rose by 11 percentage points between 2019 and 2024, and in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally party scored 30 per cent of the youth vote in last year’s election.
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In the USA, Donald Trump’s popularity surged 15 points among Gen Z men between the 2020 and 2024 elections, making the young male vote one of the decisive factors in returning him to the White House. In the UK, Nigel Farage’s Reform party is the joint third most popular party among Gen Z men.
Earlier this year, at an event in Chelmsford, Farage reflected on the growing support for right-wing politics, especially among this demographic: “Something big is going on,” he said. “We’re seeing it in France... Italy... [a little bit] in Germany” – and, of course, in the United States.
Farage might be premature in anticipating a political swing towards his party on a similar scale to what we’ve seen in the US, but his popularity with young men is beginning to worry the mainstream political parties. Voters in the 18-34 demographic now match older men (55+) in their favourable perception of Farage and Reform, at 39 per cent (Ipsos), and there is an obvious sense among some that Reform offers a “real guy”, an authentic alternative to more traditional candidates.
As Farage was condemned by security minister Dan Jarvis this week as the “very worst kind of politician” for encouraging nationwide protests, like those seen at the Bell Hotel in Essex, the concern is that the Reform leader’s flaws and open prejudices are only adding to his appeal. Young men I’ve spoken to feel profoundly let down by smooth-talking career politicians. Farage’s “say it as you see it over a pint” approach feels like a breath of fresh air to many of them.
These global trends are starting to undermine the perceived wisdom of just five years ago that as Gen Z came of voting age, it would usher in a more equitable, inclusive, “woke” world. But that’s not to say that support for the more left-wing movements has died out among young people: Zohran Mamdani’s run for mayor of New York has spooked the Democratic establishment, with his brand of socialism making the Democratic old guard look not just outdated, but obsolete in the eyes of young voters. Similarly, the outspoken Democrat Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez enjoys the highest name recognition in her party, which is desperate to win back the alienated and angry youth vote.
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What is most interesting about Farage’s young supporters, and potentially most concerning for the mainstream parties, is how diverse and passionate they are(Nigel Farage/Facebook)
But it wasn’t until I started asking, and seriously researching, what Gen Z in the UK thought about the idea of Nigel Farage becoming prime minister that I could detect a nascent Mega – “make England great again” – movement brewing. (And yes, I realise it’s technically MUKga, but the kids are calling it Mega.)
This isn’t to suggest that if we had an election tomorrow, Reform and Farage would clinch it with the Gen Z and young millennial voters. Oliver Sweet, head of ethnography at Ipsos, tells me that Reform has a long way to go before scoring a “youthmegadon” at the polls: still only 29-30 per cent of 18- to 34-year-olds have a favourable view of Farage and his party, whereas 33 per cent view Starmer favourably, slightly edged by the 37 per cent who prefer Jeremy Corbyn.
What is most interesting about Farage’s young supporters, and potentially most concerning for the mainstream parties, is how diverse and passionate they are.
Jeremiah, a 19-year-old student, reflects views typical of many of the young men I’ve spoken to: “I know [Farage] has some views that once would have been considered un-PC, but who cares? Politicians before him all sounded good and said all the right things, but they’ve left us a s***show. At least politicians like Trump and Farage are trying to do something about it, not just say things that sound nice at dinner parties.”
The “do something” principle comes up endlessly in political discussions with Gen Z. Millions of young people feel that no matter whether they vote for Conservative or Labour, things are just getting worse: spiralling costs, a shrinking job market, and inaccessible housing. And neither of the main parties seems focused on making the next generation a priority.
Just as nature abhors a vacuum, populist leaders like Farage are happy to fill it, promising to do things differently by radically shaking up the system. While Trump has shown that when the rubber hits the road without a tangible plan, wars don’t end in 24 hours, inflation isn’t fixed by magic, and there are no “jobs, jobs, jobs”, frustrated young voters in the UK don’t seem to care that the solutions Farage offers are often untested and uncosted.
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Farage pictured with Charlotte Hill, a 25-year-old Reform councillor(Nigel Farage/Facebook)
Instead, many wonder what they have got to lose. Shaking up the system feels like it’s worth a try when nothing seems to be working in their favour, and Reform UK places emphasis on forging a bond through national identity and cultural values, which can be appealing to younger voters who feel disconnected and alienated.
As Sweet, of Ipsos, notes: “Gen Z came of voting age around a time of tremendous political instability: if you turned 18 in 2015, you’ve voted in five elections already. That’s 20 years of elections compressed into 10. Voting Reform no longer feels like voting for a third party or an unknown quantity – there are no prime-ministers-in-waiting any more, so why not Nigel?”
Alfie, 23, graduated from Durham University with a 2:1 in economics. “Me and most of my friends did everything ‘right’ – work hard, go to a good university, be a good citizen, and you’d be OK. Most of my friends are struggling to get a decent job, and unless you have parental money, forget home ownership. I can see something has gone profoundly wrong in this country. I’ll be voting for Reform at the next election, and so will most of my mates.”
Alfie was privately educated and went to an elite university, and his enthusiasm for Farage is echoed across Britain’s university campuses. Young people like Alfie, who are interested in entrepreneurship, cryptocurrency, and lower regulation and taxation, think Farage is their man, but so do the socially and economically squeezed.
Terry, 21, grew up in Brent, an area ranked among the most deprived 5 per cent of places in England, and also intends to vote Reform at the next election, with Farage being the real appeal.
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Reform UK councillor George Finch, aged 19, attends a press conference on law and order earlier this month(Getty)
“It was absolutely s*** where I grew up and went to school, and it’s got nothing to do with racism. I was one of the few white kids in my class, but loads of us agree that the system is out of control. We had this kid in year 10 who was blatantly in his twenties – he even told us – and no one did anything because he said he was 15. We had new kids join every day, no one knew where they were from, and there were mad fights. We’re told you’re racist if you say it’s dodgy. I think Farage might do something about it, and he’s funny, too. I liked him on that jungle programme.”
The number of young people I spoke to who commented favourably on Farage’s appearance on I’m a Celebrity... Get Me Out of Here! highlights another of his political strengths with young people. He understands that the argument here isn’t going to be won in the minutiae of policy, or even what’s said in the House of Commons, but in terms of popular culture.
Trump’s hook-ups with the wildly popular “podcast bros” are a tactic that’s likely to be replicated by Farage in the lead-up to the next election, and the Reform leader’s understanding of TikTok’s power could significantly shift the dial if young people do decide to vote. Sweet notes: “Farage is using TikTok as a place for people to find belonging, the same way the manosphere did. Reform’s digital presence creates a sense of in-group belonging – a shared culture outside traditional party branches.”
His popularity is even rising among young women, who were traditionally more wary of Reform and its leader, but the party knows it has a woman problem and is beginning to strategise for it. By focusing on issues like crime and safety, it hopes to increase its appeal.
If mainstream parties don’t start opening their ears and eyes to the plight of young people in the UK today, they are going to have a Mega problem on their hands
After defecting from the Conservatives, councillor Laila Cunningham strongly emphasised that dealing with crime is Londoners’ top priority. Reform’s newest MP, Sarah Pochin, has praised “concerned British men” for organising private street patrols to protect their wives, daughters, and mothers from sexual assault.
Cara*, 19, who grew up in an affluent part of Manchester and now attends Loughborough University, certainly espouses the “fallen London” rhetoric being pushed by Farage’s team. “So many cities, not just London, are no-go areas, especially if you are a girl. Knife crime, robbery, and rape are off the scale. I wanted to go to a London uni when I was younger, but no way now. My little sister is only 10, and I’m off-the-scale worried about her. I don’t love Nigel Farage, he’s got his faults, but do I think he’ll do a better job than Keir Starmer? Yes.”
What makes Gen Z significantly different from previous generations is that they don’t find his brand of politics strange. When Trump burst onto the scene in 2015 with his insults, racist ramblings, and outlandish promises, it was jarring, especially against the backdrop of an eloquent and thoughtful Barack Obama. But Generation Z has grown up with angry rhetoric, culture wars, and political views shaped by social media and popular influencers who rely on extremes and outrage for clicks. Any politician who speaks to that is likely to connect. There is enough anti-elitism and anti-mainstream sentiment within this demographic to worry the mainstream parties.
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Farage speaks to young boys in Frodsham, England(Getty)
According to Sweet, “The more disenfranchised groups of young people care less about specific policy and more about sentiment. There are real frustrations around the cost of living, housing issues, joblessness, and freedom of speech being stymied by so-called woke culture. In the same way that some Brexit voters just wanted to kick the system, there are a significant number of young people who see a vote for Farage as a ‘F*** you’ to everyone else.”
Mainstream parties and politicians need to start understanding this and talking to young people, not just in a language they understand, but about the issues that matter to them. Protecting the triple-lock pension policy for an older, richer generation isn’t going to cut it for young people who can’t get on the housing ladder and are crippled by student debt before they even try.
While mainstream parties may count on the young not turning up to vote, they risk underestimating the consequences of ignoring them. Mainstream parties could guarantee their votes tomorrow by prioritising policies that would make a real difference: cancelling tuition fees, implementing rent controls, and improving access to the job market. These are all policy areas that young people are desperate for politicians to address.
Layla, 22, who recently graduated from Middlesex University and already feels lost and overwhelmed in the system, agrees. “There’s just a general feeling of betrayal; the opportunities that were there for our parents just aren’t there for us. We’re not snowflakes wanting an easy ride, we just want a chance at a decent life. If other politicians start offering that, even if you don’t agree with everything they say or believe, we’re going to start listening to them.”
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And the listening goes both ways: if mainstream parties don’t start opening their ears and eyes to the plight of young people in the UK today, they are going to have a Mega problem on their hands. And so are the rest of us.
*Some names have been changed